Duterte was elected to a six-year term in on pledges to eradicate illegal drugs and on his image as a non-establishment politician. He has surprised Filipinos as well as observers overseas by letting police summarily kill drug crime suspects.
The president received a 79 percent satisfaction rating in the first quarter of in a survey by the Metro Manila research institute Social Weather Stations.
A pro-Duterte coalition now holds 16 of 24 Senate seats and of seats in the House of Representatives. An endorsement from Duterte, a year-old former mayor of the Philippines' second largest city, Davao, matters so much that in some districts more than one candidate has obtained it, said Antonio Contreras, a political scientist at De La Salle University in the Philippines. Voting also comes down to personal image, Contreras said.
Candidates with ties to established politicians tend to have more money for advertising and media exposure, said Renato Reyes, secretary general of the Manila-based Bagong Alyansang Makabaya alliance of left-wing social causes. Other political figures risk their lives. Two relatives of a candidate for local office in the province of Negros Occidental were shot to death April They join at least 15 local officials slain from mid to mid, possibly in connection with the anti-drug effort.
If pro-Duterte candidates win most of the Senate, the president will be able to push ahead with tax law changes favoring the poor and the renewal of a public infrastructure program -- from an airport flyover in Manila to the first railway line on the impoverished southern island of Mindanao. Duterte will step down in ; Philippine presidents can legally serve just one term.
Michael is a data curator under Rappler's Tech Team. He works on data about elections, governance, and the budget. He also follows the Philippine pro wrestling scene and the WWE. Michael is also part of the Laffler Talk podcast trio.
Michael Bueza. List of bans. Election period April 14 to May Maria Ressa, the editor of the fearless online news site Rappler, has had her global stature confirmed by being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize; in her home country she has been the target of relentless legal harassment and intimidation from the administration.
This is particularly true of the Philippines, where the system has never been structured by parties but instead by interlocking alliances of local political machines. Presidents depend on the media — and especially TV — to reach past these machines to the grassroots.
Because voters barely identify with parties, the impressions of individual presidential candidates they get via the media have a tremendous influence on their choices at the ballot box. For these reasons, the domestication of the mass media as described by Arao has potentially serious implications for the fairness of electoral competition in if, for instance, outlets feel obliged to give favourable coverage of an administration-friendly candidate, or to limit coverage of their opponent.
Given a crowded presidential field, it makes a difference in the context of a media-saturated political culture. Social media has subsequently become a haven for groups — some liberal, some not — who increasingly distrust the mainstream press. In India and Indonesia this has meant using the legal system as a tool to target selected critics ; in the Philippines, the government has simply made online spaces toxic by flooding social media with abuse and misinformation directed at opponents.
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